Politics
How Tito Won the Presidency Again
Kiribati’s Teburoro Tito was returned in late February for his third and last term as President in the most closely fought election in the history of the country. The election brought to the surface several issues, some of them controversial, with interesting implications.
This presidential election was important for several reasons. It marks the beginning of Tito’s last term as president. It was marred by two controversial issues—the alleged involvement of the Chinese Embassy and the effects of a letter written by Catholic Bishop Bauro Mea. Lastly, Tito lost most of his ministers and backbenchers in the general election, making it necessary for him to seek support from the opposition side of the parliamentary divide to form a workable government.
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The voting results
In a country with a population of 85,000 (39,300 were registered voters; approximately 72% voted) Tito polled 50.17% of the valid votes cast while his main rival, Taberannang Timeon, polled a close 48.24%. The other candidate, Bakeeua Bakeeua, scored 1.23%. Tito won on 11 islands and Timeon on 12 islands, with Tito victorious by only 53 votes in the outer islands results. However, Tito was able to score more votes on most of the bigger islands, including South Tarawa and Tabiteuea North, giving him the margin of 547 votes.
The loss of Tito’s party members and his minuscule winning margin comes as a surprise to observers for several reasons: Tito’s extensive use of the nationally-owned mass media, publication of several booklets on various issues, records of stable copra prices and promises of increases, village banks, fee-free education and visits in person to the islands.
Tito clearly had the edge and was expected to score a huge victory in the outer islands. Tito has publicly attributed the loss of his ministers to the fact that their ministerial responsibilities did not give them enough time to work with their people on their islands, an opinion flatly refuted by former president Ieremia Tabai when he cited the case of former minister Teiraoi Tetabea who lost his Betio seat.
Alleged Chinese involvement
The Tito government has been working closely with the Chinese government, providing approval for the use of its air space and land. China, on its part, has been providing aid in various forms to the country. These are, according to Tito, normal and healthy practices. The Chinese ambassador claimed earlier that these are part of their normal development aid to the nation. But the Opposition Boutokan te Koaua Party has grave reservations about the Chinese presence and resented their close involvement during election time. The issue centred around the provision of funding in excess of the billed expenses provided for Government MP Kataotika Tekee during the last general election. Tekee won the election comfortably and has now been appointed vice president in the new-look Tito government.
Bishop Mea’s letter
Timeon, a practising Catholic like Tito, has publicly attributed his narrow loss to Tito in the presidential election to a letter written by the head of the Catholic Church in Kiribati, Bishop Bauro Mea in which he emphasised that "nobody knows about a new government, which might govern Kiribati in the future...We must base our thinking on what has happened in the past and the present."
Timeon claimed the letter to Catholic priests was effectively Bishop Mea’s endorsement of Tito for the presidency. While accepting that he had written a "private letter" to priests encouraging them to guide their parishioners to vote in a government with a "proven good record" for the people, Bishop Mea categorically refuted claims that his letter had the effect that Timeon claimed. "I wrote that letter because I had assumed from a radio announcement that pastors from another Church were endorsing the Opposition," Bishop Mea said. He admitted his error of judgment but claimed the church "has an important role to play in politics when it comes to the welfare of the people".
Interestingly, Tito won on most of the islands with predominant Catholic memberships. Tito even won on islands that had voted government ministers and backbenchers out like in Makin, Butaritari, Tabiteuea North and Marakei.
Tito also scored a big winning margin on Abemama, another predominantly Catholic island that had relegated Minister Willie Tokatake to the second round behind new Opposition MP and lawyer Natan Teewe.
Overcoming obstacles
Tito has overcome the most important challenge that became apparent in the aftermath of the last general election in which he was left with only 15 parliamentary supporters against the Opposition’s formidable 27 members by successfully enticing Opposition MPs and new members to his side with cabinet positions.
Former ministers reappointed to cabinet are Kataotika Tekee (North Tarawa, Vice President and Home Affairs), Willie Tokatake (Abemama, Finance and Economic Planning) and Natanaera Kirata (Onotoa, Line and Phoenix Islands). New Government MPs appointed to ministerial positions are Rimeta Tiinga (Nikunau, Natural Resource Development) and Rutiano Benetito (Marakei, Information, Transport and Communications). New MPs formerly from the Opposition who are now ministers are Butaritari’s Tinian Reiher at the Ministry of Commerce, Makin’s James Redfern in Works and Energy and Tabiteuea’s Martin Tofinga in Labour and Industry.
The most surprising appointments are Tito’s former arch rival for the presidency Dr Harry Tong (South Tarawa, Health) and Boutokan te Koaua Party stalwarts Tamwi Naotarai (Betio, Social Development) and Kuria’s Amberoti Nikora in Education.
Naotarai has said that he switched sides because his constituents have expressed a desire for him to do so. Naotarai and Nikora are considered level-headed politicians on the Opposition side and are likely to bring this asset to the government. Ex-officio MP Titabu Tabane remains Attorney General. The numbers in parliament are now evenly distributed at 21-21 and this, according to the constitution, renders the state governable provided MPs vote along party lines.
Tito’s successful manoeuvring means that he has now averted the possibility of a defeat through a motion of no-confidence. But while he can govern, that task has become a delicate one, especially with a cabinet now populated with a significant number of (former) ideological and political opponents. Any ministerial misdemeanour or gross disagreement cannot be summarily dealt with dismissal as that would culminate in desertion. This could cause an imbalance in the numbers and, ultimately, the downfall of the government. It is in many respect a government hanging by the hair walking a fine line.
Tong’s return to Tito’s side completes a political pendulum’s swing. He started his political career as Tito’s key partner against Tabai’s government spearheading the attack against the latter’s dealings with the Russian fishing fleet and other policies. Tong then resigned from politics and returned to medicine. When he returned to politics, he sided with Tabai and, as leader of the Opposition Party and potential presidential candidate, Tong became a leading vocal critic of Tito. He has returned to Tito’s side "to do what is best for the country" from that side of the house.
The appointment of people like Tong, Reiher, Tofinga and Tiinga brings in a breathe of fresh air and, more importantly, experience and talent into the cabinet line-up. These ministers have the educational background and quality experience to raise the standard of ministerial decision-making. They are expected to break Tito’s almost single-handed grip on cabinet.
But Toka-taake’s appointment to finance comes as a surprise to many, especially taking on from the highly respected and now retired Nikunau MP Beniamina Tiinga. Finance is regarded as the key ministry and places extraordinary demands on people, especially those at the helm. Tokataake will have to depend heavily on his professional staff for advice to offset his deficiencies.
Tekee’s ascendancy to the vice presidency is also a surprise. Traditionally, the vice presidency goes to a person from a religion different from that of the president—a balancing act. Tito’s selection of his deputy was also expected to be a selection of his anointed successor. By Kiribati standards, Tekee is not expected to survive the political jockeying that would eventuate towards the end of Tito’s term as presidential hopefuls start vying for the vacuum to be created.Implications
Tito’s victory means that we can expect more of the same in key policy areas like education, foreign affairs and finance. More importantly, the country should expect to see a more cautious Tito who must now realise that he cannot govern with the same degree of complacency. He will have to be ultra careful with issues that are particularly sensitive to people given the negligible degree of overall support he currently enjoys. The need for greater accountability becomes even more eminent, given that he has taken on board ministers who will not be willingly taken for a blind ride.
Tito won because of his sheer hard work, outstanding tactical skills and political acumen in manipulating factors and people to his side. He was able to entice opponents to his side by dangling the attractive ministerial carrot. This is the third term for Tito and his last permissible under the constitution. As such, Tito is expected to pay attention to his niche in the history of Kiribati.
He will have to focus on something for which he will be remembered in history. Whatever that is, it is definitely not going to be media freedom or freedom of expression. The fact that his current ministers were sworn in camera with the free press excluded does not augur well for the future. Teweiariki Teaero is from Kiribati. He lectures on educational administration at the University of the South Pacific. The views expressed here are his own private views and not necessarily those of the university where he works.
