Thinking The Unthinkable

FSM President Joseph Urusemal (left) with two of his Cabinet members at their swearing-in at Palikir, Pohnpei. They are, left to right, Akillino Susaia, Secretary for Transportation, Communications and Infrastructure; and Sebastian Anefal, Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Photo: Floyd K. Takeuchi

As the Federated States of Micronesia prepares to begin a new 20-year financial relationship with the United States, there is a growing current of concern that is spreading through the national government capitol complex at Palikir, Pohnpei. The topic comes up in private conversations with trusted friends-and only in lowered voices.

What is clear is that, as former FSM President John Hagelegam says, "We're now thinking the unthinkable."

The "unthinkable" is the very unity of the four-state federation that spans the Eastern and Western Caroline Islands. For the first time since independence from U.S. rule in the mid-1980s, Micronesian leaders are acknowledging (at least privately) that there is the real potential for the federation to break apart. At issue is whether the states of Kosrae, Pohnpei and Yap will want to continue being affiliated with Chuuk, the FSM's largest and most populous state.

The preamble to the FSM Constitution says, "To make one nation of many islands, we respect the diversity of our cultures. Our differences enrich us. The seas bring us together, they do not separate us. Our islands sustain us, our island nation enlarges us and makes us stronger."

Were that it were so today.

The issue of Chuuk centers on two problems. First, Chuuk, by nearly any measure, qualifies as a "failed state." In past years, its chronic financial woes and leadership shenanigans were something of a running joke. Now the problems are a nightmare, and are at the core of strident U.S. demands for greater financial accountability and transparency for the whole federation.

Second, remarkably, many in Chuuk's state and federal political leaders continue to deny there's a serious problem. This is not the view of the FSM President Joseph Urusemal, a Yap outerislander who was named president in March.

During his inaugural address, the usually taciturn Urusemal stunned his audience when he said, "For the past few years we as a nation have hoped that (Chuuk's) problems would correct themselves through time and given enough time. Unfortunately they have not. Half of our population, and half of our best and brightest are now imperiled. And, to be perfectly frank, our national unity is increasingly at stake."

In a recent interview with Pacific Magazine, Urusemal expanded on his concerns. "It has very grave implications for the whole FSM," Urusemal acknowledges.

But when asked if he foresees the possibility of the federation breaking apart-at least Chuuk being cut off from the other states-Urusemal is adamant. "I don't think this will happen, at least not on my watch," he says of his current four-year term. He is eligible to serve two four-year terms.

The Chuuk crisis can only be solved, the president says, if "The state leadership accepts that there is a problem, and the magnitude of the problem." But Urusemal, aware of Chuuk's voting power in the unicameral Congress (six of 14 senators are from Chuuk), adds that the national government can only push so hard.

"I look upon my role as that of being a facilitator," Urusemal says. "The solution to the problem in Chuuk can only be resolved by the Chuukese people."

That may be so, but the political reality is that the "Chuuk problem" is now affecting national politics, indeed the president's ability to select a Cabinet of his choice. Under the FSM Constitution, the Congress from among those senators who are elected to the single four-year seat from each state choose a president. While there's talk of a "gentleman's agreement" that the presidency should be rotated among the four states, that has not been the case. Consider: of the six men who have served as president, one was from Chuuk, one from Kosrae, two were from Pohnpei, and two have been from Yap.

Because there hasn't been a president from Chuuk since 1987, there was every expectation that the current FSM president would be selected from Chuuk's four-year seat. Two senior national officials ran for the seat: Redley Killion, who served as vice president in the previous national administration, and long-time Congress Speaker Jack Fritz. It was a political battle royal, with Killion beating Fritz. The odds were on Killion being selected as president.

That didn't happen because Fritz organized his backers in the Chuuk delegation and effectively split the large Chuukese voting block. With Killion unable to marshal enough votes to become president, the Congress backed longtime Yap Senator Joseph Urusemal. Killion was chosen to serve another term as vice president.

Then Fritz won the special election to fill the vacancy left by Killion's selection. Back in power, Fritz has lined up the votes to block any Cabinet appointments of Chuukese and others who are seen as strong supporters of Killion. Thus, three of Urusemal's Cabinet nominees were not approved. Two were Chuukese, one of whom was nominated for the Economic Development portfolio, the other the long-serving FSM ambassador to Japan. A third nominee, Paul McIlrath, an American who served as Justice Minister in the previous administration and was nominated again for that post, was also rejected.

The last nomination was of particular interest because McIlrath led an investigation that resulted in Fritz being indicted last year for financial improprieties, while he was still Speaker of the Congress. The indictments are still in place and, while McIlrath is now out, Urusemal has indicated that he will continue to pursue the case.

A number of senior FSM executive branch officials told Pacific Magazine that the Congress' rejection of Urusemal's three perceived "anti-Fritz" nominees was indicative of yet another part of the "Chuuk problem." Now, they say, Chuukese state politics are being played out on the national stage, to the potential detriment of the country. While state-focused politics has always played a role in the larger political arena, this was one of the most blatant examples of it being exercised at the national level.

Urusemal won't go that far, and insists there's every reason to hope that Chuuk's problems can be worked out internally. He points to the 1996-1999 period, when a rescue plan was put in place in Chuuk. By the end of the period, Chuuk seemed on the road to recovery, with a stable political leadership moving forward with financial reforms. But Urusemal admits that the national government failed to adequately monitor progress after 1999.

This is not the first time that there's been talk of the FSM breaking apart. In the mid-1980s, just a few years after independence, groups on Pohnpei were openly suggesting that their state should leave the federation. Their complaints then focused on the perception that Chuukese were dominating the national leadership.

A less serious challenge to unity, but more persistent than Pohnpeian grumbling, has been the call by leaders of the Faichuk region of Chuuk to separate and become an independent nation. This bizarre drama continues to be played out, but with few outside of Chuuk paying any serious attention to the debate.

During those two crisis periods, few national or state leaders would have bet that the federation might fail. Today, that is not the case.

There is serious discussion now taking place among national leaders about the possibility of the FSM existing without Chuuk. How that would happen is not clear. One national leader told Pacific Magazine that a simple majority vote in the three other states could lead to Chuuk being kicked out of the union. The reality is that the FSM Constitution has provision for adding states, but not for ejecting a state from the union. Still, if Chuuk continues to be perceived as a dragging anchor holding back progress for the rest of the country, that possibility could be closer than many think.

Urusemal acknowledges as much. Speaking of the need for the FSM national government to back Chuukese reform, he adds, "But our support should come with some firm understanding about improved governance. Call it tough love, but make it clear that reversals of recovery and reform will harm the whole nation's progress."

Indeed, it is Urusemal's fate to serve as FSM president at a time when the country's very future is at stake. What he does in the next two years could well determine whether this unusual, multi-cultural federation succeeds, or becomes yet another Pacific Islands example of how clashing cultures and local politics can poison even the most heartfelt dreams of unity and hope.