The State Of The Regions Aristocracy

Michael Field's piece on 'Who Will Be The Next Malietoa' (Islands Business, Dec. 2003 and Samoa Observer, Dec. 2003) is timely for two reasons. From the view of tabu ridden oral societies, Field exposes an aspect of tabu, particularly when the present titleholder, Malietoa Tanumafili II, celebrated his 91st birthday in January (2004).

The second reason is because this title has been associated with Samoa's highest office ever since independence in 1962. The other reason is that the same question could be asked of Samoa's close neighbours, Fiji and Tonga.

Our Tongan cousins faced the same prickly issue of succession and solved it by inserting a provision in their 1875 constitution leaving no one in any doubt as to who was heir apparent. This method worked well for over a hundred years. Today, it is under considerable strain as nearly 50,000 'commoner' Tongans suffocate from marginalisation in almost every sphere of local power except perhaps the church. The internal power struggles between the two principal chiefdoms of Rewa and Bau (and Tongan threat) led to Fiji's push to Britain.

On the other hand, while Samoa and Fiji became colonies, family titles were not abolished but responsibility for resolving conflicts went to colonial institutions such as the Native Land and Titles Court and Native Land and Fisheries Commission respectively. When the family system cannot break deadlocks, candidates resort to clubs, good for arms dealers, but bad for native development.

The Tui Cakau title, one of Fiji's principal political titles, was decided by a tribunal after intense in-fighting between sons of former distant cousins. Another title, the Tui Kaba na Vunivalu of Bau, lies dormant because of unresolved tensions between the late holder's two sets of children. Recent attempts to open dialogue over the impasse in the public interest are privately resented. When such important leadership position remains unfilled for long periods, power vacuums in indigenous hierarchy are exposed, spawning smooth talking operators such as the trio swanning in Nukulau. While the Rewa title of Roko Tui Dreketi remains with Ro Lady Lala Mara, all is not well within the province as internal grumblings regularly rise to the public surface, the most recent during her late half-brother's (Ro Mosese V. Tuisawau) funeral in 2000, followed by attempts to deregister his children from the Fijian registry (Vola Ni Kawa Bula).
This is a familiar story amongst Samoan family dispute. When the heat is unbearable, warring parties go to war and thanks to the Germans, in the land and titles court.

Tama'aiga titleholders and their families dominated Samoa's politics from the colonial period to the first decade after independence. All, including the current Malietoa, have been dragged before the court during the 20th century. Under the glaring eyes of transparency, accountability and equity, most aspects of 'traditional' power is thankfully being scrutinised by print and electronic media.
When the present incumbent is finally called to rest, it will be a big ask of the three branches of the Sa Malietoa clan to agree on a successor without going to court.

Rules of succession to the title were clarified in 1939 when the current incumbent was appointed. Three branches of the family were awarded the 'pule' or right to choose a successor, namely the suli (descendants) of Moli, Gatuitasina and Talavou. They have had sixty four years to ponder and pray over the matter. Once a consensus is arrived at, protocol dictates informing the many political families of Sa Malietoa for anointment.

Samoa's Head of State

Will the Malietoa successor also be the next Head of State? The current constitution does not stipulate it as the preserve of the top four titleholders. In fact, it opens the door to any titleholder that parliament deems worthy of the office. Virtue rightly is not a prerogative of any particular class of society.

Field claims that the next Head of State is most likely to be Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Efi. ³Although [Efi] says he does not want the job, he is not his own man: He must serve the thousands who eventually bestowed the royal title on him.² Anyone familiar with numerous attempts by the Sa Tupua political family to elevate their ³son² beyond politics to a position befitting the title's dignity will remember Efi's parliamentary response.

As a politician, numerous approaches were made to persuade him to accept membership on the Council of Deputies, effectively the deputy head of state.

These included senior members of the title's political families, 'Aiga Sa Fenunuivao of Salani and Falefa, and Lufilufi, holding membership of different political parties (the Government's Human Rights Protection Party and Opposition Samoan National Development Party). The most prolific was the late Fuimaono Lotomau, one of two members of parliament from Falealili and senior spokesman for 'Aiga Sa Fenunuivao.

For them, to see their tama engaged in un-parliamentary mud-slinging debate was not their ideal model of a tama. Despite the pleas from traditional authority, Efi's behaviour was consistent throughout. He did his own thing.

Thirty years after independence, tama'aiga titleholders have been replaced by non-tama'aiga titleholders. The unstated reason is because the current crop of tama'aiga are corrupt and are not performing as the embodiment of all that is good of Samoa.

The fourth tama'aiga title of Sa Tupua, Mata'afa, has been vacant since 1997. Since then, non tama'aiga appointees to the council of deputies have included the late Va'ai Kolone and Matai'a Visesio.

The current and sole member is Faumuina Anapapa. When the late Prime Minister Tofilau, who had consistently sought to appoint Efi to the council failed, he formally moved the name of Va'ai Kolone, a former Prime Minister with long service in cabinet, education and business. The only tama'aiga titleholder willing to return to this office is former Council Member and lawyer/travel agent consultant in the Congregational Christian Church building, Tuimaleali'ifano Eti. His recent attempt to enter national politics was abysmal. He was banished by his political family over his unpopular decision to stand in the 2001 general elections. After his reinstatement after almost a year in the wilderness, his political families have made a number of overtures to the HRPP government for his reinstatement to the Council of Deputies.

Overshadowed by political parties

While political families have authority to bestow titles on their favoured son, they no longer enjoy the same clout over the appointment of Prime Minister and Head of State. In recent years, political families have been overshadowed by political parties and parliamentary caucus. And for both current tama'aiga titleholders (Efi and Eti), they are either in the wrong party or on the wrong side of the ruling party.

Tama'aiga titleholders and their political families will no doubt be gunning for the head of state position. But they will not be the only ones. Any other titleholder with strong work ethic, personal wealth, right political party, church connections and longevity could easily outmuscle a tama'aiga contender.

In this regard, Fiji is streets ahead of Samoa and Tonga in appointing commoners (Bavadra, Rabuka and Qarase) and even an Indian (Chaudhry) to the office of Prime Minister, if not the President. In the meantime, since Sunday night, 18th April, all eyes are on the Lauans in Fiji. How they appoint the late Tui Nayau's successor could untangle some of the knots over another major title, the 14 years dormant Bauan title. The late Tui Nayau's political rhetoric was multiculturalism, peace and harmony. The evidence of this within his own family remains to be seen.

The political reality within the Mara household was dynastic union with other Fijian hierarchies. His vision of a multiracial society still remains a vision. Not only for Fiji but for the region.

(€ Dr Mokeni Tuimaleali'ifano's opinions are not those of the Department of History and Politics, USP, where he works as a senior lecturer.)