Pacific Magazine > Magazine > May 1, 2005

Cover Story

Pacific Power

Who Has It, And Who Does Not


Power is a most perishable commodity. One day you have it, and an election later, it is gone. But despite its fragility, there's another given about power: it is evident when you have it.

And in a region where power comes in so many guises-traditional, elected, appointed, and religious-figuring out who has more power is a national pastime in every Pacific Island nation and territory.

That's why Pacific Magazine has put together its "Power 10" list, the 10 most powerful men and women in the Pacific. By "power," we are referring to those individuals who can influence regional trends, and shape the future of much of the Pacific. We are not dealing with "power" at the national or community level, or even the sub-regional level.

We are focusing on regional leaders whose impact goes beyond their national, or in some cases, organizational borders. In trying to determine who has power, we did not take into account an individual's nationality or skin color or accent. We wanted to put together a definitive list of the region's top power players, with only "power" being the determining factor.

And when we first began discussing who those players might be-our initial conversations were with Pacific Magazine contributors and contacts last year-the list almost wrote itself, for the first few names at least. After we received numerous "power lists," this magazine's senior management then winnowed the list to the top 10 power players, and 25 individuals who had the potential to make the Power 10 list at some later date.

The results? While it won't sit comfortably with many, the influence of Australia's John Howard and New Zealand leader Helen Clark on many of the economies and development paths of island nations is indisputable. But what should we make of the heavy representation of Samoans, and the "missing Micronesians"?

The strong, if small Samoan economy has influenced the choice of two of our three Samoan names on the list. The influence of economic consultant Afoa Kolone Vaai and business executive Alan Grey extends well beyond the borders of their country. They join Samoan Prime Minister Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi, whose active leadership of the Pacific Islands Forum as the current chair put him on the list.

Papua New Guinea provides two of the "Power 10" in perhaps one of the region's last independence-era statesman, Sir Michael Somare, and John Kaputin, who has the potential to play an influential role in terms of the economic well-being of those Pacific Island states with important economic relationships with Europe.

Like Kaputin, Pacific Islands Forum Secretary-General Greg Urwin, is essentially a regional bureaucrat, but an influential one who is setting a higher bar for regionalism and reshaping the nature of leadership in the Pacific.

Fittingly enough, last month he addressed regional police officers on that very subject.

"(The) idea that a position of leadership must be earnt gives rise to what I think is a centrally important aspect of modern leadership, and that is that leadership is, above all, a job. It is not uncommon, in any field of endeavor, to run across people who, having been appointed to a leadership position, appear to believe that this is the end of the story, that all they are required to do is bask in whatever privilege and prestige their position may extend….In my view, what leadership is, essentially, is the opportunity to serve-to serve people, an organization, an ideal."

While we don't expect power to be distributed equally around the region, we are struck by the paucity of "power leaders" in the Micronesia region. There is an obvious historic reason for leaders from that part of the Pacific being discounted as regional heavyweights, but there's also a disturbing (and relatively recent) reality that today's Micronesian leadership is not regionally focused, and appears unwilling or uninterested in articulating a "Pacific vision."

The political reality is that two of the five leaders in the North Pacific, Guam Governor Felix Camacho and Northern Marianas Commonwealth Governor Juan Babauta, head U.S. dependencies. They are naturally and understandably Washington, D.C.-focused.

And the presidents of independent Palau, the Federated States of Micronesia and the Marshall Islands all receive their primary financial assistance from the United States. It is no wonder that those nations have been relative latecomers to the regional party.

Still, a Micronesian could have made the Power 10 cut if he or she had a regional vision, used their presidency as a platform to discuss Pacific-wide issues, or had evolved as a prominent voice at the Pacific Islands Forum. There are precedents: Hammer DeRoburt, for example, the charismatic president of Nauru in the days when his country's financial resources were exceeded only by the level and number of ill-considered economic ventures. Marshall Islands President Amata Kabua, who forged close ties with DeRoburt, also had a vision that spanned the region. Even the Federated States of Micronesia's first president, Tosiwo Nakayama, was soft spoken but eloquent when he discussed regional issues. He had a vision of the FSM being a full-fledged partner in the Pacific, though he was never fully able to make that dream a reality.

Today, the leaders of the Marshalls and FSM rarely, if ever, speak in regional terms. Marshall Islands President Kessai Note appears more focused on Taiwan, which has become a major source of relatively unencumbered funding, than any perceived Marshallese destiny in the Pacific. (He does, however, actively participate in Forum meetings and summits.) FSM President Joe Urusemal appears to have all but disappeared on the national stage, let alone a regional platform.

American affiliation does not necessarily mean a Pacific Island leader is doomed to relative regional insignificance. We recall the influence enjoyed by the late American Samoa Governor Peter Tali Coleman, who was recognized as a true regional leader. While Coleman was not on the same level as pre- and post-independence colleagues such as Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara or Sir Michael Somare, the U.S. educated lawyer was an articulate advocate of regional initiatives and dialog.

In focusing on the 10 most powerful people in the region, we were also aware of the need to spotlight up-and-coming leaders, individuals who have the potential to make the Power 10. Thus, our list of "25 To Watch" in the region.

Many on that list are young and at the start of their careers. Others are more established. But all are doing exciting things in their field and have the potential, we believe, to become first-tier power players.

Recently Fijian high chief and Vice President, Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi, told young Fiji citizens undergoing leadership training that "a faint heart never solves problems or achieves results." He was mainly reflecting on the challenges facing his country, particularly ethnic disunity and division. But it's a sentiment that would serve all our leaders well in facing the significant challenges ahead in managing ever more vulnerable economies, volatile aid and development assistance relationships, political turbulence and shared resources.

 

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